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Here’s A Recap Of What The First 3 Parts Of The State Capture Report Contained

Here’s A Recap Of What The First 3 Parts Of The State Capture Report Contained..  As South Africans pour over the fourth instalment of the state capture report, here is a reminder of what was mentioned, and those implicated, in the first three volumes.

 

The presidency formally received the latest part of the report on Friday morning.

Commission chairperson chief justice Raymond Zondo presented the first part of the report to President Cyril Ramaphosa at the Union Buildings on January 4.

The presidency formally received the third part of the report on March 1.

The commission was expected to release the final instalment of the report at the end of April, but Zondo said in court papers on Thursday the commission would not be able to deliver all the outstanding sections of the report by then.

The Pretoria high court granted a six-week extension for the delivery of the final state capture report, giving the commission until June 15.

Here’s a recap of what the previous three volumes were about and some of the individuals who were implicated: 

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Volume 1

The first volume of the report dealt with SA Airways and related companies. It also touches on the Gupta-owned The New Age newspaper, Sars and public procurement in SA.

It implicated several high-profile politicians and businesspeople. Former president Jacob Zuma was implicated for the first time and would feature prominently in reports that followed. 

The former president’s allies, including former GCIS CEO Mzwanele Manyi and ex SAA board chairperson Dudu Myeni, were also fingered in the report. 

  • Manyi was accused of enabling state capture during his 18-month tenure as CEO at state communications entity GCIS. Under his leadership, the Gupta owned New Age Newspapers allegedly received millions of rand in advertising and sponsorships from government. 
  • Zuma and former Sars boss Tom Moyane were found to have played critical roles in collapsing the institution. It alleged Moyane was informed in advance of his appointment as its head.
  • Myeni, with former SAA head of technical operations Yakhe Kwinana, ran the company into the ground, in part with their leadership style that instilled fear and intimidation among staff. It found the lack of accountability and transparency at SAA and SAA Technical enabled state capture and corruption.
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Volume 2

This report dealt with corruption at state-owned entities (SOEs) Transnet and Denel. Former public enterprise ministers Malusi Gigaba and Lynne Brown as well as former Transnet group CEOs Brian Molefe were among individuals who featured prominently in the report.

The report alleged Gigaba lied about not knowing the Guptas. It said he had known them since the 2000s and used his position to appoint their allies in strategic positions at state-owned companies. 

It said Brown also lied when she denied knowing the Guptas and revealed she helped them loot state resources at Denel.

Volume 3

The report, released in March dealt exclusively with evidence related to corruption allegations at Bosasa, which has since been renamed African Global Operations.

Its executives allegedly used their proximity to politicians to score lucrative government contracts for years.

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Mineral resources and energy minister Gwede Mantashe, former minister Nomvula Mokonyane, late Bosasa CEO Gavin Watson and Zuma were among the prominent names fingered in the report.

Former company executive Angelo Agrizzi testified that he was responsible for setting up Zuma’s campaign for the national conference in Mangaung in 2012, the ANC’s national elections in 2014 and the local government elections in 2016. 

He also alleged Mokonyane received annual Christmas groceries from Bosasa. 

The commission recommended Mantashe be investigated in terms of the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act, saying the minister was likely corrupt in his dealings with Bosasa during his tenure as the ANC secretary-general. 

Mantashe allegedly enjoyed security upgrades and renovations at his homes in Boksburg, Cala and Kowa in the Eastern Cape, all from Bosasa, knowing this was to allegedly influence him in securing contracts for the company.

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